Free Press in Turkey is Unlikely but Not Impossible
“We’re not in a great place politically,” said Kadir Has University Assistant Professor Efe Sevin about Turkey. He noted Turkey’s current five-year decline in Freedom House’s press freedom rankings and highlighted the change in status from “partly free” to “not free” in 2013. “Despite a plethora of news outlets and capital accumulation sources of media, why are we stuck in this situation?” he asked the audience.
The role of the government in the Turkish media landscape, Sevin explained, is defined by three regulatory institutions: the RTUK (The Radio and Television Supreme Council), the TIB (The Presidency of Telecommunication and Communication), and the BYEGM (Directorate General of Press and Information). The RTUK is responsible for all broadcast transmissions and is comprised of only nine members. Because it issues broad rulings, the government is able to apply them as it wishes. Meanwhile, the TIB controls telephones and the internet and has the power to block websites and keywords. Lastly, the BYEGM, situated in the Office of the Prime Minister, functions as a public diplomacy unit, advising the prime minister and other politicians. It is also the body that grants “yellow cards,” or official accreditations for journalists, which means that it decides who can be a journalist. It is through these three institutions that the government shapes and molds the media landscape to its advantage, Sevin said.
The government has also found other ways to gain influence over major media outlets in Turkey. Most of the dominant media outlets are owned by pro-government capital. They are also linked through business connections mainly in the construction industry, which has become very profitable especially for those who are awarded government contracts for infrastructure projects highlighted Sevin. “You need to let go of objectivity to keep government contracts,” he concluded.
To gain control over the media, the government has implemented a series of escalating strategies to remove outlets and journalists. These strategies include firing journalists or forcing them to resign; pressuring journalists through public channels like social media; bringing court cases against journalists and media outlets; changing the infrastructure by removing satellites or banning online content; and taking over media outlets.
Despite the growing hurdles for the press in Turkey, Sevin believes that “a free press is not impossible.” One reason for his hope lies in the English language press in Turkey. Publications like the Hurriyet Daily have English versions “with higher standards of objectivity than the Turkish versions.” The government does not regulate the English language press as strictly as the Turkish language press, he noted.
Another reason why he remains optimistic are the changing habits of both media owners and readers. Increasingly, foreign capital is being used to buy and operate Turkish media outlets like RT, Al Jazeera Turk, and Al-Monitor. These outlets are less vulnerable to government influence, Sevin said. Like many parts of the world, Turkish media is digitalizing, and critical online media sources like Onedio (similar to Buzzfeed) are becoming popular with the Turkish public. In addition to changing media consumption habits, production habits are also changing in the industry. Sevin mentioned the popularity of crowdsourcing and crowdfunding as being especially critical in digital journalism in Turkey.
“While mainstream media is unlikely to change anytime soon,” Sevin wrapped up, “the changing media landscape in Turkey gives hope for greater press freedom.”
A faculty member at the Department of Public Relations and Information of Kadir Has University, Istanbul, Turkey Efe Sevin teaches courses on lobbying, campaign management, political communication, and research methods. The talk was deliver at a Center for Media, Data and Scoiety organized public lecture.